On July 7, 2021, President Juvenal Moise was assassinated in his home. The participation of Haitians and Colombian hitmen in the assassination is known, but months later, little progress has been made in identifying the intellectual authors, except for the suspicion that it may have been ordered by drug trafficking.
The news has disappeared from the headlines as well as the newsworthiness, unless they are misfortunes of immigrant groups of that origin. There is disinterest also in other countries and in international organizations, except for the usual pressure exerted on the neighboring Dominican Republic, mainly because it shares the Caribbean Island of Hispaniola.
The question is whether what there is tiredness or abandonment.
The issue is not new. The same concern arose in the United States after the occupation that lasted 19 years between 1915 and 1934, which began with the landing of 300 Marines. Nor did the 2004 intervention mandated by a UN Security Council resolution, which was caught in charge of the country by the 2010 earthquake, have better luck. There diplomats and military from Chile and Brazil held leadership positions. Chile’s frontline presence ended after 13 years, and by the time of return, the country’s media, politicians and civil society had distanced themselves. Forall practical purposes, they seemed to be forgotten battalions.
Historically, Haiti and Chile had had little relationship, however, this link generated a relationship between people and a strong immigration, despite the 6,073 km of distance. Thus, from almost zero, the 2017 census registered 180,000 Haitians residing in the other country.
This intervention, like the previous ones, did not achieve the objective of developing solid institutions.
In my opinion, it is not appropriate to speak of a “failed” State when the appropriate level of State is not reached first, that is, if the political and economic institutions necessary for a democracy are not developed, so at the end, elections are rather decorative than lasting over time.
That is the truth, and the international community has accumulated several failures and few successes. For their part, there has been widespread criticism of the cholera epidemic probably brought by Asian soldiers on a “stabilization” mission, and of sexual abuse perpetrated on children by UN officials.
Nor have non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and foundations that have established a strong presence after earthquakes and the ensuing mass destruction fared better. In addition to highlighting their contributions, the corruption that aid has generated also been denounced, not only in Haiti, but in the places of origin, mainly in developed countries.
And only recently is awareness being raised that this form of corruption starts there, where not only in Haiti, since also in Iraq and Afghanistan significant amounts of money remain in the First World and never reach their recipients. In the case of foundations, their lack of transparency has also been criticized.
It never hurts to remember that many NGOs have their own agenda, as well as that some activists acquire personal interests by turning those ideas into their livelihood.
Deep down there is evidence of Haiti’s failure, but also of the arrogance of many universities, governments, the media; that is, of a mentality that predominates in the international community and that postulates that a group of well-meaning people can generate a new and better society, regardless of the wishes of the people who live there and that history.
Even worse, when this mentality has manifested itself in the idea that a military occupation in Haiti can generate a market economy and a political democracy, as if it were Germany or Japan.
It is not a question of dodging the fact that the first responsibility lies with the Haitians themselves, but considering the number of external failures, it seems to me that there is as much fatigue as abandonment, so I think we must look at the issue of Haiti in a different prism, and as Einstein said it well, you cannot always do the same and expect different results.
The first thing is to understand that in Haiti the State has simply not developed even the competences and duties of the well-known social contract of Rousseau, so it does not make sense to seek that NGOs or military replace precisely that State that has not worked, so it seems more reasonable to try it through local governments well linked to the local population, instead of seeking for the umpteenth time a centralized presidentialism that tries to reproduce the operation of a slate and imitative design of other countries.
Secondly, it is essential to take a serious look at the phenomenon of local gangs and transnational criminal activity, as a key element to understand the power of organized crime and why the state does not work. And in that sense, review ideas that were even harmful as was the suppression of the army, citing his past linked to the Duvalier regime.
Finally, and very importantly, the international community should today look at Haiti as a relevant laboratory to understand what can happen if some of the bad forecasts for climate change materializes in poor countries, in terms of migration and prolonged collapse of state services.
I do not believe that climate change is the end of the world, but there is no doubt that the phenomenon exists, and that rightly or wrongly, multitudes will request in some years climate asylum at the borders of the developed world. And, while it is only partially an explanation for Haiti’s problems today, it can provide the rest of the world with lessons on how to prepare for a similar scenario elsewhere.
And learn to react better as the international community.
“The opinions published herein are the sole responsibility of its author”.
